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by
Jerome Aumente
December 15, 1999 On October 22, 1999,
Bosnian Serb newspaper editor Zeljko Kopanja walked out of his home in
Banja Luka and got into his car. He remembers a terrible explosion. When
Kopanja woke up in the hospital, both his legs had been amputated.
Kopanja is the founder and editor of the independent newspaper Nezavsine
Novine in the Serb sector of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Shortly before the
bombing, he ran several articles about alleged Serb war crimes against
Bosnian Muslims. Nezavzine Novine argued that the perpetrators
should be prosecuted. That triggered telephone threats from other Bosnian
Serbs, who branded Kopanja a traitor. But even after the bomb explosion
that cost him his legs, the 45-year-old editor was defiant.
"My newspaper will not give up the concept that we follow, not even if
we are going to have more attacks in the future, because I know we are
on the right track" Kopanja said in a statement released from the hospital
on November 1. "A person must have a goal in his life, and my goal is
a free and happy country. If this thing that happened to me can lead to
this goal, then I am not sorry."
I first met Kopanja last summer in Washington, D.C., where I helped conduct
an economic reporting workshop for Bosnian Muslim, Croat, and Serb journalists
at the Voice of America's International Media Training Center. The participants
came from the Muslim-Croat Federation and the Serb Republic. These two
entities comprise Bosnia-Herzegovina, a gerrymandered ethnic patchwork
created by the Dayton peace accords that ended the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia.
Tall and easy-going, with chiseled good looks, salt-and-pepper hair, and
the inevitable cigarette in his hand, Kopanja looked like an investigative
editor from Central Casting. During the workshop, it quickly became clear
that he was the genuine article, passionate about uncovering information
hidden behind bureaucratic walls. He wanted to expose graft and corruption,
and make government more transparent to his readers. And as a Bosnian
Serb, he showed an invaluable comity with his Muslim and Croat colleagues.
When I traveled to the Balkans in October, Kopanja was first on my list
of journalists to visit in Banja Luka. But two days before our scheduled
meeting, I sat in a Sarajevo hotel room watching TV images of a crane
hoisting the pulverized remnants of his car above the blackened street
where it had exploded. Local TV ran that scene for days, with frequent
updates on Kopanja's critical condition, until it was etched in my memory.

Throughout Bosnia, Muslim, Serb, and Croat journalists closed ranks to
condemn the bombing. Broadcasters paid tribute to Kopanja's courage. Some
newspapers, including Nezavzine Novine, ran blank front pages with
a single diagonal headline: "We Demand!" They wanted a more thorough investigation
into the bombing, and they wanted the government to explain why it did
not provide him with protection, even weeks after he started receiving
death threats.
In Banja Luka, a top editor at the independent Reporter said Bosnian
Serb journalists should band together in solidarity against such bombings.
He cited the example of American investigative reporters, who rallied
around an Arizona investigative journalist killed by a car bomb in the
1970's. A young reporter worried that the bombing might inhibit investigative
journalism. But he also said journalists should enlist international support
and speak out loudly against threats to the news media.
When I traveled to Sarajevo in the Muslim-Croat Federation, I found that
Muslim and Croat journalists were just as outraged as their Serb counterparts
in Banja Luka. But a young journalist from the independent newspaper Oslobodenje
said it was harder to interest the general public. "The rest of the Bosnian
public is without emotion because of the war," he said. "People are used
to so much violence."
Oslobodenje is a case in point. The newspaper's old office building
in Sarajevo is a collapsed wreck on a street known as "Sniper Alley,"
because anyone who walked there during the war risked being shot by Serb
snipers. The building was frequently shelled by Bosnian Serb forces who
were angry with the paper's reporting. And out of a staff of 70, the newspaper
counted five killed, 25 injured and 10 missing in Serb areas during the
war.
Three hundred thousand Bosnians were killed during the
three-year war, out of a prewar population of four million. Today, over
a million land mines are scattered over the countryside. Limbless victims
are common, and bus ads still warn people not to walk in unmarked areas.
With the population still deeply divided along ethnic and partisan lines,
independent journalism in Bosnia is a dangerous profession. But even in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Banja Luka bombing came as a shock.
"Zeljko Kopanja is the most important journalist in the Serb Republic,"
said the young Oslobodenje reporter. "And what he did is revolutionary.
He was the first [there] to write about atrocities and war crime."
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It is not yet clear who planted the bomb in Kopanja's
car. International experts have joined the investigation, and the
wreckage has been sent to England for a forensics check. Less than
a month after losing his legs, meanwhile, the editor attended a
Banja Luka conference on the security of journalists. With help
from the Vienna city government and the United Nations, he is now
at a special clinic in Austria, learning how to walk on prostheses.
UPDATE: Zeljko Kopanja won a
CPJ International Press Freedom Award in 2000. Read his
acceptance speech.
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Jerome Aumente is professor and founding director of
the Journalism Resources Institute at Rutgers University. He can be reached
at the Journalism Resources Institute, Rutgers University, 185 College
Ave., New Brunswick, New Jersey 08901 USA. (Tel: 732-932-736. Fax: 732-932-7059.
E-mail: aumente@scils.rutgers.edu)
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