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Click
for chart detailing recent arrests of journalists in Zimbabwe
New York, July 11, 2002—Tomorrow, Andrew Meldrum, a U.S. citizen
and the Zimbabwe correspondent for the London-based Guardian newspaper,
will go to trial on charges of "abusing journalistic privileges" and "publishing
false information." On July 22, his colleagues at Zimbabwe's independent
Daily News, reporter Lloyd Mudiwa, editor-in-chief Geoff Nyarota,
and staff writer Collin Chiwanza, will also face trial on the same charges.
Their crime stems from an article that Mudiwa wrote in the Daily News
on April 23 alleging that young members of the ruling ZANU-PF party beheaded
an opposition supporter. The story was later declared inaccurate, but
not before Meldrum picked up the article and ran it in the Guardian.
The journalists concede that the story was false—and have published retractions
and apologies in their papers—but they say that their attempts to get
accurate information from the police and government authorities were fruitless.
Therefore, they argue that they did not deliberately publish falsehoods.
For his part, Meldrum asserts that his article for the Guardian
was merely reporting on the fact that the story had appeared in the Daily
News and was being widely discussed in Zimbabwe.
If convicted, the four journalists each face up to two years in prison.
Their cases highlight the difficult conditions under which independent
journalists work in Zimbabwe's hostile and extremely polarized society,
where the media are constantly subjected to bizarre charges that are clearly
designed to intimidate, but also to ensure that already cash-strapped
publishing houses spend time and money defending themselves against lawsuits.
And since Robert Mugabe's controversial March 15 re-election, the situation
has only worsened. Under Mugabe, 14 journalists in the last four months
have been arrested and charged with violating Zimbabwe's various anti-media
laws—further cementing the Committee to Protect Journalist's ranking of
Zimbabwe as one of the world's 10 worst places to be a journalist.
Click here to see chart detailed the
arrests of journalist since President Mugabe's re-election.
One
of Mugabe's first significant acts since re-election was to sign into
law the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act. This ironically
named statute, which criminalizes the publication of "falsehoods" and
grants the government the right to decide who may or may not work as a
journalist in Zimbabwe, is by far the most repressive of the country's
anti-media laws. However, in the escalating crackdown on the independent
press, the Zimbabwean government has utilized several other laws in its
arsenal, ranging from the Public Order and Security Act to an archaic
anti-pornography law that colonial administrators crafted in the last
century.
Consider Farai Mutsaka, a reporter for the independent weekly, The
Standard. He was arrested on May 16 for "abusing journalistic privilege
by publishing falsehoods" because of a front-page story that he wrote
alleging that the Zimbabwean government had acquired an assortment of
anti-riot gear and military hardware from Israel. The story, which appeared
in the May 12 issue of The Standard, included a photograph of one
of the riot vehicles the police allegedly obtained and noted that Mutsaka
had contacted Home Affairs Minister John Nkomo, but that he refused to
comment.
Moreover, one week earlier, Israel's state-run radio station had reported
that the Israeli government had endorsed the sale of heavy riot-control
vehicles to Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean government, however, denied the story.
Under the provisions of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act, a journalist can be found guilty of abusing journalistic privilege
if he or she "rewrites a story that has already been published by another
mass media service without the permission of the mass media owner."
Mutsaka was arrested and detained for three days, along with his editor,
Bornwell Chakaodza, and fellow reporter Fungayi Kanyuchi. Chakaodza and
Fungayi were charged with "publishing falsehoods" in an article about
the Zimbabwean police force soliciting prostitutes. After the trio's release
from jail, Kanyuchi wrote an article describing the condition of their
prison cells. As a result, he and Chakaodza were arrested again on May
28 and charged under the same act for "publishing falsehoods" about their
prison experiences.
A group of journalists, including members of the Zimbabwe Foreign Correspondents
Association, filed a petition on May 7 with Zimbabwe's Supreme Court claiming
that several sections of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act (which also requires hefty fees for press accreditation and media
registration) violate the country's constitution. No date has been set
for a hearing.
In
addition to the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, journalists
in Zimbabwe are also being charged under the Public Order and Security
Act. The act criminalizes false reporting and statements that "incite
or promote public disorder or public violence" and carries a penalty of
five years in prison or a Z$100,000 (US$1,877) fine. Since Mugabe's re-election,
three journalists—Peta Thornycroft, the Zimbabwean correspondent for South
Africa's Mail and Guardian and Britain's Daily Telegraph,
and the Daily News's Urginia Mauluka and Guthrie Munyuki—were charged
under this act, although the charges were later dropped.
On March 27, Thornycroft was arrested under the Public Order and Security
Act in the town of Chimanimani, 300 miles southeast of the capital, Harare,
where she was investigating reports that supporters of the ruling ZANU-PF
party were attacking members of the political opposition. She was released
without charge on March 31.
Police arrested Mauluka and Munyuki on June 16 at a rally organized by
the opposition party, Movement for Democratic Change, to commemorate International
Youth Day. They were also charged under the Public Order and Security
Act for covering the event. According to several independent reports,
the journalists and a Daily News driver were physically assaulted
by police with batons and kept in custody for three days. They were finally
released without charge when the state prosecutor found that they were
"just doing their jobs."
Meanwhile, Mugabe's notoriously anti-colonial government has also resorted
to the colonial-era Censorship and Entertainment Control Act, which is
primarily aimed at people who "trade in child pornography or anything
immoral or corrupt" and carries a maximum penalty of two years imprisonment,
as a means of controlling the press. This precolonial act is so outdated
that it is unclear whether the Censorship Board, the complainant, still
exists.
In addition to being charged under the Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy Act for their article on police solicitation of prostitutes,
The Standard's Chakaodza and Kanyuchi were also charged under the
Censorship and Entertainment Control Act for a photograph that accompanied
the article.
On May 30, Iden Wetherell of the weekly Zimbabwe Independent were
charged under the Censorship and Entertainment Control Act for publishing
a wire news service photograph of partially clad Amazonian men playing
soccer. The state claimed that the photograph was "obscene."
Chakaodza, Kanyuchi, and Wetherell signed "warned and caution" statements
in connection to these charges, and the police said they would "proceed
by way of summons." This means that the charges have not been officially
dropped, and that the journalists can be summoned and tried at any time.
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