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WHILE BULGARIA PURSUED A BROAD RANGE
OF LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS last year, living standards have been
slow to improve and corrupt insiders have been the main beneficiaries of
privatization. Journalists had more freedom to work independently, but many
were still reluctant to pursue controversial stories due to concerns about
physical security and legal harassment.
Bulgarian journalists are poorly paid and suffer from low social status.
Self-censorship persists in the reform era, though it is most prevalent
in the few remaining political party papers and on state-run Bulgarian National
Television (BNT).
On January 12, Parliament amended Articles 146, 147, and 148 of the Penal
Code, which had imposed criminal sanctions for libel, "attacking the honor
and dignity" of individuals, and "insulting the authority of the state."
The changes forced government officials to press libel charges themselves,
rather than having state prosecutors act on their behalf. As a result, journalists
faced fewer libel suits, because government officials now have to pay their
own lawyers.
Under the revised articles, the penalty of imprisonment was initially replaced
with fines of between 5000 and 30,000 leva (US$2585-15,500). President Petar
Stoyanov vetoed this provision, arguing that the fines were "excessively
high compared to the low income of journalists." Parliament then lowered
the fines to between 1000 and 20,000 leva (US$517-10,333), still a significant
burden.
Despite these positive changes, Tatiana Vaksberg, a Sofia-based free-lance
correspondent for Radio Free Europe, was still facing prosecution at year's
end on 1999 criminal defamation charges filed by Prosecutor General Ivan
Tatarchev, who was angered by Vaksberg's critical reporting on his performance
in office. Tatarchev was replaced in February 1999, but the case against
Vaksberg was still active as of January 2001, according to the Bulgarian
Helsinki Committee.
The Bulgarian Helsinki Committee reported that journalists were also subject
to physical assault, particularly from criminal organizations. The worst
attack occurred on December 16, when Todor Dimov, the editor and publisher
of the Yambol weekly Tundja, was severely beaten by three men in
the marketplace in Yambol. Dimov underwent extensive surgery for serious
head injuries and spent a month recovering in the hospital. The police arrested
three suspects with alleged links to the Russian mafia. Prior to the attack,
Dimov had written a series of articles examining allegedly corrupt local
businesses and their Russian criminal connections, and had been warned to
stop covering this topic.
On November 4, Justice Minister Teodossyi Simeonov punched Aleksander Mihaylov,
an 18-year-old photographer for the newspaper Sega, after invoking
his alleged constitutional right not to be photographed. On November 7,
Bulgaria's nine largest daily newspapers called for Simeonov's resignation,
but Prime Minister Kostov only announced that the justice minister had "cast
an unfavorable light on the government...which respects the media and public
opinion." Nor did Simeonov face criminal charges.
Two serious attacks on journalists in previous years also remained unsolved.
In June 1999, Alexei Lazarov, a writer for the daily Kapital, suffered
multiple knife wounds and a broken leg when unknown assailants attacked
him. And in May 1998, Anna Zarkova, chief crime editor for the daily Trud,
suffered severe burns and permanent blindness in her left eye when an unidentified
man threw acid in her face, apparently in retaliation for her reporting.
June marked the launch of the Association of Investigative Journalists,
headed by Zoya Dimitrova, chief investigative editor at the national weekly
168 Chasova. The association seeks to encourage investigative work
that reporters cannot pursue within their own organizations because of pressure
from advertisers or politicians. It also hopes to establish international
contacts for training and for cooperative work on regional stories such
as the illegal trafficking of women and narcotics.
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