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NORTH KOREA
Shortly after U.S. president George W. Bush arrived
in South Korea’s capital, Seoul, in February 2002 for a state visit, the
North Korean state news agency, KCNA, reported a miracle: that a cloud
in the shape of a Kimjongilia, the flower named after the country’s leader,
Kim Jong Il, had appeared over North Korea. “Even the sky above the Mount
Paektu area seemed to be decorated with beautiful flowers,” KCNA said.
The piece was a whimsical effort to trump news of Bush’s visit to the
other side of the divided Korean peninsula, according to The New York
Times.
North Korean propaganda has its lighter side, but
the effects of the government’s absolute control over news and information
are extremely serious. This had become obvious by the end of 2002, when
a tense standoff developed between the United States and North Korea over
Pyongyang’s alleged admission to maintaining a secret nuclear weapons
program. With so little information available about the exact status of
North Korea’s nuclear capabilities, diplomats and analysts around the
world were left parsing the bellicose rhetoric of state media accounts
for signs of Pyongyang’s intentions. A single phrase broadcast by Pyongyang
Radio on November 17 initially seemed to make the stunning revalation
that North Korea already has nuclear weapons, though translators said
the line may have indicated only that the country is “entitled to have
weapons.” The difference lay in one syllable.
One of the last totalitarian states in the world,
North Korea uses the media to foster a cult of personality around Kim
Jong Il and his deceased father, Kim Il Sung, the country’s “eternal leader.”
The local media tend to ignore the country’s gravest problems—such as
the devastating famine that began in the mid-1990s and has cost as many
as 2 million lives. State media instead demonize Pyongyang’s enemies,
especially the United States, which has been called “the empire of the
devil.” President Bush returned the favor in 2002, casting North Korea
as part of an “axis of evil” along with Iran and Iraq.
North Korea has opened up to a degree, experimenting
with market reforms, tourism promotion schemes, and diplomatic overtures
after decades of Stalinist rule and isolationism that strengthened the
country’s reputation as the “Hermit Kingdom.” Foreign journalists visited
the country in 2002, mostly as part of the press corps accompanying visiting
dignitaries, who included Russian president Vladimir Putin and Japanese
prime minister Junichiro Koizumi.
Foreign correspondents also received visas to North
Korea during the highly touted Arirang festival, a celebration marking
the birthday of Kim Il Sung, which began on April 29 and lasted more than
two months. Arirang, the centerpiece of the government’s bid to promote
tourism, featured performances six days a week by thousands of dancers,
gymnasts, soldiers, and other performers. “For the ... months of Arirang,
the Hermit Nation is inviting the world in,” wrote Jonathan Watts in the
British newspaper The Guardian. “Even journalists are being welcomed
into the country and allowed a freedom of movement that was hardly imaginable
a year ago.” However, correspondents still complained of being closely
watched and restricted by government minders.
And not all journalists were welcome. In September,
during the Koizumi visit, North Korea refused to grant a visa to a reporter
from the conservative, staunchly anti-communist South Korean newspaper
Chosun Ilbo. The reporter had been chosen by lottery to
join the 120-person press corps accompanying Koizumi, according to the
South Korean news agency Yonhap. Chosun, one of the South’s
leading dailies, has repeatedly angered the North Korean leadership
with its denunciations of Pyongyang, and North Korea routinely denies
access to Chosun reporters.
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