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Washington, D.C., May 2, 2002—In Senate testimony
today, a CPJ representative argued that the U.S. government should never
recruit journalists as spies, and that U.S. intelligence operatives
should never pose as journalists.
Appearing before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Terrorism
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, CPJ Washington representative
Frank Smyth underscored the need to maintain an inviolate firewall between
U.S. intelligence agencies and the press.
"I want to highlight one action that CPJ believes the U.S. government
should never take: Using an American journalist as a CIA agent," Smyth
testified.
During questioning by subcommittee members, Smyth noted that the CIA
has been barred from using journalists as spies since the 1970s, although
this policy can be overruled through an executive waiver. In response,
Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.), the subcommittee chair, said she would
seek clarification from CIA Director George Tenet.
CPJ was asked to testify about what the United States government can
do to ensure the safety of U.S. journalists working overseas following
the recent abduction and murder of Wall Street Journal reporter
Daniel Pearl in Pakistan.
Smyth pointed out that, according to CPJ statistics, the risk faced
by U.S. reporters working abroad is fairly small compared to the risk
faced by local reporters. "CPJ research shows that 399 journalists have
been killed worldwide while carrying out their professional work," testified
Smyth. "Only seven of them were U.S. reporters working overseas."
Concerning the Pearl case, Smyth took the opportunity "to recognize
and commend the U.S. government for the role it has played, and continues
to play, in working with Pakistani authorities to ensure that the killers
of Daniel Pearl are brought to justice."
But Smyth noted that "this action is appropriate not because Mr. Pearl
was a journalist, but because he was a U.S. citizen who was the victim
of a crime." When it comes to American journalists, Smyth said, "the
U.S. government should take no new specific actions to protect U.S.
journalists working overseas," as any such action might only jeopardize
their perceived neutrality and thus "do more harm than good."
Smyth encouraged the subcommittee, along with the rest of the U.S. government,
to speak out about specific press freedom abuses wherever they occur,
and to take active measures to ensure that the policies and rhetoric
of the U.S. government are never used to justify restrictions on press
freedom anywhere.
Testimony by the Committee to Protect Journalists
Subcommittee on International Operations and Terrorism
Chair, the Honorable Barbara Boxer Senate Foreign Relations Committee
May 2, 2002
Good morning. My name is Frank Smyth, and I am the Washington Representative
of the Committee to Protect Journalists. CPJ is an independent, non-profit
organization based in New York City that fights for the rights of journalists
worldwide to report the news freely, without fear of reprisal. I would
like to place in the record a copy of our recently published annual
report, Attacks on the Press in 2001, which contains more than
500 individual cases of attacks against journalists in more than 130
countries. We are grateful for this opportunity to address this subcommittee.
I've been asked to talk about what the United States government can
do to ensure the safety of U.S. journalists working overseas. This is,
of course, an important issue, and the recent abduction and murder of
Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl in Pakistan dramatically
illustrates the risks that U.S. journalists confront. Nevertheless,
according to CPJ's statistics, the risk faced by U.S. reporters working
abroad is fairly small compared to the risk faced by local reporters,
particularly those covering corruption, human rights abuses, and military
operations. These journalists are often targeted in direct reprisal
for what they write or broadcast. During the past decade, our research
shows that 399 journalists have been killed worldwide while carrying
out their professional work. Only seven of them were U.S. reporters
working overseas.
While I would like to briefly address the issue of the safety of U.S.
journalists overseas, I plan to devote the bulk of my allotted time
to discussing the larger threat to press freedom around the world, specifically
CPJ's concern that the events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.
military response have precipitated a global press freedom crisis.
I would like to take this opportunity to recognize and commend the U.S.
government for the role it has played, and continues to play, in working
with Pakistani authorities to ensure that the killers of Daniel Pearl
are brought to justice. However, we believe that this action is appropriate
not because Daniel Pearl was a journalist but because he was a U.S.
citizen who was the victim of a crime. In fact, we are hard pressed
to think of any other action that the U.S. government might take to
protect U.S. journalists that would not do more harm than good. U.S.
journalists reporting from dangerous areas around the world—particularly
those places where the actions of the U.S. government have stirred local
anger—rely on their perceived neutrality to keep them safe. Thus, efforts
by the U.S. government to protect U.S. journalists overseas risk having
the unintended effect of further endangering the journalists, if those
efforts create the impression that U.S. journalists are somehow linked
to the U.S. government.
I want to highlight one action that CPJ believes the U.S. government
should never take: Using an American journalist as a CIA agent. We call
on the U.S. government to reiterate its commitment to never recruit
U.S. journalists as spies or government agents. We also call on the
CIA and other government agencies to enforce a firm policy: that it
will never permit CIA agents to pose as U.S. journalists during undercover
operations. Furthermore, we would like to see this policy expanded to
bar the use of non-U.S. journalists as spies. The perception or even
the rumor that a local journalist works with the CIA would obviously
put him or her at considerable risk.
We have also been concerned that around the world, repressive regimes
have appropriated the rhetoric of the war of terrorism to justify the
suppression of domestic criticism and curtail press freedom. In other
instances, authoritarian governments appear to have taken advantage
of the fact that the world's attention was elsewhere to launch domestic
crackdowns. In Eritrea, for example, the government of President Isaias
Afewerki shut down the independent press and jailed 13 journalists in
a crackdown that began shortly after September 11.
In Nepal, the government in November branded as "terrorists" anyone
who supports the country's Maoist rebels and imposed emergency regulations
that have been used to harass and persecute journalists who report on
rebel activities or who work for publications seen as sympathetic to
the Maoist cause. Dozens of journalists have been detained since the
declaration of the state of emergency.
Similarly, Chinese officials have characterized independence activists
in the Muslim-majority region of Xinjiang as "terrorists," targeting
journalists and other intellectuals as part of a recently intensified
crackdown on the separatist movement.
In Malaysia, the Home Ministry has repeatedly blocked the distribution
of international publications—including Time and Newsweek—that
published articles about the activities of Islamic militants within
the country who may have links to the al-Qaeda terrorist network.
In Kyrgyzstan, President Askar Akayev has used the threat of international
terrorism and the growing number of U.S. troops as excuses to curb political
dissent and suppress the independent and opposition media.
And in Zimbabwe, Information Minister Jonathan Moyo has described the
independent press as "terrorists" and specifically cited U.S. actions
in justifying an independent media crackdown there. "We are watching
events in the United States and Britain closely as pertaining to media
freedom," said Moyo last year, according to a local report. "These countries,
especially the U.S.A., have unashamedly limited press freedom since
September 11 in the name of safeguarding the national interest . . .If
the most celebrated democracies in the world won't allow their national
interests to be tampered with, we will not allow it too."
This is clearly an opportunistic response by Mr. Moyo, who spearheaded
the efforts to curtail the independent press in Zimbabwe long before
September 11. Nevertheless, it is sad that Mr. Moyo is seeking to justify
his government's repressive measures by citing U.S. government policy.
In fact, CPJ has criticized the U.S. government in several cases for
taking actions that we believe set a very poor precedent internationally.
Specifically, CPJ expressed concern about efforts by the State Department
to censor a Voice of America broadcast last year that included a telephone
interview with the Taliban leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar. Later, Congress
formally restricted the VOA from airing any such "terrorist" views.
The U.S. government also tried to control broadcasts abroad. Last October,
Secretary of State Colin Powell asked the Emir of Qatar to use his influence
to rein in Al-Jazeera, the Arabic-language satellite station that is
broadcast out of Qatar and financed by its government. Secretary Powell's
request was followed by a formal diplomatic démarche by the U.S. embassy
in Qatar. In conclusion, while we believe that the U.S. government should
take no new specific actions to protect U.S. journalists working overseas
(because such action could do more harm than good), we believe there
are actions that the U.S. government should take to uphold and support
press freedom around the world. Specifically, we believe that the U.S.
government should speak out against specific abuses and take active
measures to ensure that the policy and rhetoric of the U.S. government
is never used to justify repressive actions against journalists anywhere.
CPJ is grateful for this opportunity to address this important matter.

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