• Correa assails news media, and regulators target critical outlets.
• Media legislation could restrict freedom of expression.
Key Statistic
3: Days that regulators ordered Teleamazonas off the air.
Re-elected by a landslide in April, President Rafael Correa intensified his attacks on critical news media, calling them ignorant and deceitful. As Correa used his weekly radio address to assail the press, his administration singled out critical outlets for regulatory action. Legislators were debating media legislation that would restrict freedom of expression, and two journalists were imprisoned during the year on defamation charges.
ATTACKS ON
THE PRESS: 2009
• Main Index
AMERICAS
Regional Analysis:
• In the Americas,
Big Brother is watching reporters
Country Summaries
• Argentina
• Brazil
• Colombia
• Cuba
• Ecuador
• Honduras
• Mexico
• Nicaragua
• United States
• Venezuela
• Other developments
So focused was Correa on
disagreements with the press that he added a segment, “Press Freedom Is Now for
All,” to his Saturday morning address in order to air his disputes. Among the
outlets most frequently targeted were the national dailies El Universo, La Hora, El
Comercio, and El Expreso, and the television network Teleamazonas. The president described
such news outlets as “a sewer,” “ignorant,” “trash talking,” “liars,”
“unethical,” “mediocre,” and “political actors who are trying to oppose the
revolutionary government.”Teleamazonas, a
Quito-based private broadcaster and harsh critic of the administration, became
the focus of government regulators. In late December, regulators ordered
Teleamazonas off the air for three days after finding the station had “incited
public disorder” with a May story exploring the potential effect that natural
gas exploration off southern Puná Island would have on the local fishing
industry, according to news reports.
The National Council of
Radio and Television (CONARTEL) had cited the network twice earlier in the
year. After Teleamazonas aired a bullfighting commercial during an 8:30 p.m. slot
in February, CONARTEL cited the station for violating a 6 a.m. to 9 p.m. ban on
bullfight broadcasts, according to news accounts and CPJ interviews. When
Teleamazonas aired a news story in May that questioned the legality of a
vote-counting facility in the coastal city of Guayaquil, regulators said the
station violated Article 58 of the Broadcasting Law, which prohibits airing
“news based on unfounded allegations that could produce social unrest.” The
station was fined only nominal amounts in the first two cases. But by building
a record of supposed violations during the year, regulators were able to invoke
the late-year suspension.
In his public comments,
Correa had fanned the regulatory flames. In August, the president called for
regulators to shutter Teleamazonas after the station aired an audio recording
of a 2008 presidential palace discussion about constitutional changes,
according to local news reports.
César Ricaurte, executive
director of the local press freedom group Fundamedios, said the president’s
verbal assaults created a climate for physical attacks against the press. In
May and December, unidentified individuals tossed homemade explosives outside
the Quito offices of Teleamazonas, press reports said. No injuries were
reported. In February, unidentified assailants in Guayaquil fired 12 gunshots
at the offices of the weekly Mi
Pueblo after the publication of
a series of articles criticizing Correa’s administration.
In late year, a
legislative committee drafted a repressive communications bill that would set
educational requirements for journalists, stiffen criminal penalties for press
offenses, and allow some government censorship. The bill drew strong public and
news media opposition, prompting the National Assembly in December to postpone action
and pledge revisions. The communications bill is among legislation intended to
implement a new constitution adopted by voters in 2008. The constitution itself
contains provisions troubling to press freedom advocates, including Article 19,
which states that the government “will regulate the prevalence of
informational, educational, and cultural content in the media’s programming and
will promote the creation of spaces for national and independent producers.”
The regulatory system
itself underwent an overhaul. In August, Correa signed a decree creating the
Ministry of Telecommunications and Information, which, among other things, took
over the regulatory activities of both CONARTEL and the National Council of
Telecommunications.
The government retained control
of two television stations, TC Televisión and Gamavisión, that it had
confiscated in 2008. The government alleged that the stations’ owners had ties
to a business conglomerate accused of causing the 1998 collapse of the
Ecuadoran banking institution, Filibanco. The stations’ owners denied the
accusations. The government placed two journalists with close ties to Correa in
charge of the stations, and said it would auction them to recoup US$661 million
it said was owed to Filibanco’s investors. By late 2009, though, both stations
remained under official control.
Violence and obstruction
were reported in provincial areas. Several individuals burst into the offices
shared by local TV station Telecosta and Radio Gaviota in the northern city of
Esmeraldas in April and destroyed the outlets’ broadcasting equipment,
Fundamedios reported. According to Telecosta’s president, the attack was likely
retribution for stories criticizing local authorities. Later that month, a
group of protesters in the southern province of El Oro besieged the offices of
local radio station Onda Sur and warned the staff to stop reporting critically
on a local mayor’s bid for re-election, the regional press freedom group
Instituto Prensa y Sociedad (IPYS) said. In May, assailants believed to be from
the same group broke the station’s windows, sprayed the building with gasoline,
and lit it on fire, IPYS reported. The building sustained minor damage.
In the country’s interior,
police routinely harassed and detained local journalists, press freedom
advocates reported. Francisco Farinango, a reporter for the local Radio
Intipacho in the northern Pichincha region, was briefly detained in January
while reporting on a protest by the indigenous Tupigachi community against a
law that allows for mineral extraction in their territory, according to local
press freedom groups. That same month, Adolfo Caiminagua Herrera, a
correspondent in the southern city of Machala for the national daily Diario Opinión, was arrested while photographing police at a local voting
center. Israel Díaz, a cameraman for the local TV station Lago Sistema
Televisión in the province of Sucumbíos, was beaten by police officers as he
attempted to cover a routine police operation in April, the groups said. Díaz
was not seriously hurt, but his colleague, Vicente Albán, a reporter for the
same station, was detained for several hours.
In June, the Criminal
Court of El Oro sentenced Milton Nelson Chacaguasay Flores, director of the
weekly publication La Verdad in the city of Machala, to four months in
prison on libel charges. The case stemmed from a 2007 story accusing Finance
Minister Francisco Quevedo Madrid of having links to a man charged in a
nationwide Ponzi scheme. Chacaguasay had barely been out of prison when the
sentence was imposed. He had been freed in May after serving most of a 10-month
prison sentence on separate libel charges.
A second journalist was
jailed on defamation charges during the year. Freddy Aponte Aponte, a reporter
for local radio station Luz y Vida in the southwestern city of Loja, was
released in January after serving most of a six-month term. He had been
convicted of defaming a former mayor.

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