• Government fails to investigate press freedom abuses.
• Reporter slain after covering Maoist land seizures.
8th: Ranking on CPJ Impunity Index, making it one of world’s worst for press.
Nepal’s news media entered 2009 in a state of crisis. Attacks on the press had escalated in late 2008 amid a climate of impunity. The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ), a local press freedom group, led weeklong, nationwide demonstrations to raise awareness about the deteriorating environment. On December 28, 2008, Maoist leaders signed a 10-point agreement to address the lawless situation. Clauses included a promise to create a governmental bureau to investigate press freedom violations, local news reports said.
ATTACKS ON
THE PRESS: 2009
• Main Index
ASIA
Regional Analysis:
• As fighting surges,
so does danger to press
Maguindanao:
• Makings of a Massacre
Country Summaries
• Afghanistan
• Burma
• China
• Nepal
• North Korea
• Pakistan
• Philippines
• Sri Lanka
• Thailand
• Vietnam
• Other developments
But a full year later, as
2009 was coming to an end, the agreement had yet to be implemented
and optimism was scant. The January slaying of a journalist who had documented
Maoist land seizures had further chilled a press corps that had grown
accustomed to unpunished attacks.
Nepal had made a historic
political shift in 2008 from a monarchy to a coalition-ruled democratic
republic under the leadership of former Maoist rebels. During the decade-long
civil war that preceded a 2006 peace accord and transition to multiparty
democracy, both rebels and monarchists were responsible for harassment,
detention, disappearances, and murders of journalists, nearly all of which have
gone unpunished. Abuses did not cease with the communist faction’s inclusion in
the democratic process. Maoists accused of murdering journalists Birendra Shah
in 2007 and J.P. Joshi in 2008 remained at large. International human rights
groups said the party’s Youth Communist League abducted and likely murdered freelancer
Prakash Singh Thakuri in 2007. Police dropped an investigation into the
disappearance—Thakuri’s body was never recovered—in February 2009, according to
FNJ.
In late 2008, the
Nepali-language monthly Nepali
Sarokar catalogued war-time
Maoist land seizures on the Terai plains, in southern Siraha district. On
January 11, as many as 15 men with knives entered the compound where the
article’s author, Uma Singh, a print and radio reporter in her 20s, had rented
a ground-floor apartment. A neighbor discovered the journalist, mortally
stabbed, on the veranda of her one-room dwelling. The brutal murder combined
the worst of Nepal’s media climate: ineffective police investigation, alleged
Maoist involvement, and ethnic tensions destabilizing the plains along the
India-Nepal border. Local journalists said police ignored Singh’s profession as
a possible motive for fear of political repercussions and arrested five people,
including the victim’s sister-in-law. The five were accused of killing Singh
over a property dispute.
Property did play a role,
according to an International Media Mission report compiled by press freedom
groups that visited Nepal in February; Singh believed Maoists abducted and
murdered her father and brother in 2005 and had seized family land. Yet she
defended all victims displaced in the conflict, and addressed sensitive issues
including communal violence and women’s rights in print and on air.
The arrests of the five
people, who included a local Maoist, did not assuage the concerns of Singh’s
colleagues, who said at least two cadres affiliated with a former Maoist
minister tied to abuses Singh documented had fled the country after the crime.
Other suspects had links with armed groups of ethnic Madhesis, who
traditionally occupy the plains and are engaged in an often-violent campaign
for political autonomy, or, at its most extreme, a separate state. The Terai
Ekta Parishad, one of dozens of such groups, made an unverified claim to have
murdered Singh, according to the international mission.
“There is no denying that
[Singh] may have had a personal stake in the issue of land seizures, but her
journalism was exercised in the larger public interest,” the mission report
said. After consulting with police, family members, and colleagues, the mission
concluded that, although there were several overlapping motives and actors
involved, her work was a major factor in her death.
Singh’s killing was not
solved by late year, and its shadow hung over the Terai press. Several
journalists left the region, according to local news reports. Madhesi groups
separately threatened two regional correspondents for independent media group
Kantipur Publications: Jitendra Khadka in January and Manika Jha in February.
Parsa district’s Gadhimai FM programmer Gyanendra Raj Misra was wounded in the
hand in a February shooting that FNJ reported was work-related. In August, the
Madhesh Terai Forum in Saptari district banned distribution of Nepali-language
newspapers—the region is dominated by dialects of Hindi—and torched 15,000
copies of national newspapers, according to FNJ.
After the 2008 elections,
in which the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) won a majority, the
Maoist-fronted coalition government began talks with some pro-independence
Madhesis. By mid-2009, though, the government was focused on its own conflicts.
In May, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal dismissed the chief of the army; in a
move many believed was unconstitutional, President Ram Baran Yadav overturned
the decision, prompting Dahal to resign. Maoist lawmakers walked out on a May
23 vote to select his replacement, and Madhav Kumar Nepal, of the Communist
Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), ran unopposed.
The strife deepened
political fissures, and journalistic objectivity attracted punishment more
often than praise. The principals behind attacks were varied, and included
official agents. Police threatened Janapratibimba
editor Sanjaya Saha in May
for publishing a story alleging they took bribes, FNJ reported. Shiva Oli from
the western Doti district went into hiding for three days in July after
officials involved in a corrupt drinking water project he exposed had taken him
for questioning. Later in Doti, on August 23, police beat Nepal Samacharpatra journalist Bimal Bista while subduing a mob and
detained him for 48 hours, according to FNJ.
Journalists cited several
confrontations with Youth Communist League members, but youth branches of other
political parties were also abusive. Students, farmers, and trade
unionists—often politically affiliated—assailed journalists covering their
activities. In multiple incidents catalogued by FNJ, vandals stoked fires with
stacks of newspapers. The national news group Kantipur Publications was a
particular target, but provincial news outlets also suffered. Editorials from
the capital bemoaned the rise of self-censorship.
Analysts said press
freedom clauses in the interim constitution enacted in 2007 provide a positive
framework for the document’s final manifestation, which Prime Minister Madhav
Kumar Nepal declared would be adopted on schedule by May 2010. However,
journalists complained that existing legislation, such as the 2007 Right to
Information Act, has yet to be implemented. Prime Minister Nepal also committed
to reversing impunity in a range of human rights abuses. Nepal ranked eighth
worst in the world on CPJ’s 2009 Impunity Index, which lists countries that
have consistently failed to solve journalist murders.

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