• Editor murdered, broadcaster bombed, reporters assaulted.
• Columnist convicted of terrorism for his writing.
0: Number of convictions in 10 journalist murders since 1992.
On May 19, the government formally declared a victory in its 26-year civil war with the secessionist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which had claimed territory for an ethnic Tamil homeland. Victory came at a high price for the press. Escalating attacks on independent journalists coincided with the government’s 2006 decision to pursue an all-out military victory, CPJ found in a February special report, “Failure to Investigate.” Ethnic Tamil journalists seen by the government as supporting independence had long been under murderous assault, but physical and verbal attacks on Sinhalese and Muslim journalists critical of the government’s military operations began accelerating in 2006 as well. These attacks—which in 2009 included a murder, a bombing, and several assaults—occurred with complete impunity.
ATTACKS ON
THE PRESS: 2009
• Main Index
ASIA
Regional Analysis:
• As fighting surges,
so does danger to press
Maguindanao:
• Makings of a Massacre
Country Summaries
• Afghanistan
• Burma
• China
• Nepal
• North Korea
• Pakistan
• Philippines
• Sri Lanka
• Thailand
• Vietnam
• Other developments
On January 6, as many as
20 assailants carried out a 3 a.m. bombing that destroyed the control room of
the country’s largest independent broadcasting company, Maharajah Broadcasting,
knocking the prominent Sirasa TV and six sister radio and television stations
off the air, according to news accounts and CPJ interviews. The blast came after state
media criticized the broadcaster for its coverage of military operations.
The bombing was
immediately followed by two violent episodes in which motorcyclists wielding
iron bars and wooden poles attacked prominent journalists. A January 8 assault
by eight men on four motorcycles resulted in the death of newspaper editor Lasantha Wickramatunga and
set off a wave of domestic and international protest. Wickramatunga foresaw his
own murder, writing in an editorial published three days after his death: “Countless journalists have been harassed,
threatened, and killed. It has been my honor to belong to all those categories
and now especially the last.”
The other January attack, on Upali Tennakoon, editor of the Sinhala-language,
pro-government weekly Rivira and his wife, Dhammika, came at about 6:40 a.m. on January 23.
This time, four men on two motorcycles severely injured Tennakoon. Soon after,
the couple fled to the United States seeking asylum.
The government denounced the January attacks but sought to deflect
responsibility. Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena, the top
officials in the Ministry of Mass Media and Information,
told Colombo newspapers there was a “massive conspiracy” to discredit
the government by destabilizing the country with attacks on prominent figures.
They said a comprehensive inquiry would be carried out to find the attackers in
all three January cases. Such inquiries had been promised in the past; as in
the past, the 2009 cases led to no conclusive government action by late
year.
With international outrage growing, CPJ sent a representative to
Colombo to investigate the assaults. Eighteen journalists were killed in Sri
Lanka between 1992 and 2009, according to CPJ research, and 10 of them were
murdered. No convictions have been obtained in any of the murders, a law
enforcement failure that propelled Sri Lanka to fourth place on CPJ’s Impunity Index. The index is a
ranking of countries where journalists are killed regularly and authorities are
unable to solve the crimes.
CPJ said the government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa should be held directly responsible for
impunity surrounding the attacks. Nine of the murders took place after
Rajapaksa rose to high office, first as prime minister in April 2004 and then
as president in November 2005. CPJ testified before U.S. Senate and House
committees, as well as Canada’s House of Commons, about the January attacks and
the history of abuse directed at journalists in the country.
The Sri Lankan government maintained a hard line of denial after
CPJ released its findings. A Washington meeting between a CPJ delegation and
Sri Lankan Ambassador Jaliya Wickramasuriya did not change the government’s
outward position—no assurances were given and little responsibility was
accepted. The acts of intimidation and the absence of substantive government
response drove at least 11 Sri Lankan
journalists into exile between June 2008 and June 2009, CPJ research found. Sri
Lankan journalists accounted for more than a quarter of the journalists
worldwide who fled their countries during that period after being attacked,
harassed, or threatened with violence or imprisonment, according to CPJ
research.
January’s attacks and
intimidation continued through the year. Typical was the June 1 kidnapping of
the general secretary of the Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association, Poddala
Jayantha. He was abducted on a busy road in Colombo during rush hour, beaten,
and dropped by the side of a road in a suburb. Witnesses at the scene said six
unidentified men in a white Toyota Hi Ace van with tinted glass windows had
grabbed him; the same type of vehicle has been used to pick up antigovernment
figures in the past. No arrests had been made by late year.
In July, domestic access
to the independent Lanka News Web was shut down. The site’s managers received no
formal explanation but suspected the shutdown stemmed from a story reporting
that the president’s son had been the target of stone throwers at a Tamil
refugee camp. Around the same time, the official Web site of the Ministry of
Defense carried an article headlined, “Traitors in Black Coats Flocked
Together,” which identified five
lawyers who represented the Sunday Leader newspaper at a July 9
hearing in a Mount Lavinia court as having “a history of appearing for and
defending” LTTE guerrillas. The article included pictures of three of the
lawyers, making them identifiable to government supporters who might accost
them.
CPJ pressed for
journalists to be allowed access to the conflict zones. Both the government and
the LTTE had barred the press. Reporters who did try to cover the major
humanitarian catastrophe taking place in the heart of the Indian Ocean region were obstructed. A team
from Britain’s Channel 4 News—Asia correspondent Nick Paton Walsh,
cameraman Matt Jasper, and producer Bessie Du—were ordered to leave the
country on May 10 by Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Channel 4 had just
aired footage filmed secretly in a Tamil refugee camp
in the northern city of Vavuniya. The report included allegations that guards
had left corpses to rot, that food and water were in short supply, and that
sexual abuse was prevalent. A month later, on July 20, Associated Press Bureau
Chief Ravi Nessman was ordered out the country when the government refused to
renew his visa.
By mid-year it was clear
that, even with its victory in the war against the LTTE, the government was not
going to back away from its policies of intimidation. That reality was driven
home on August 31, when columnist J.S. Tissainayagam, also known as Tissa, was
sentenced to 20 years in prison on charges of violating the country’s harsh
anti-terror law. After his conviction, the first in which a journalist was
found guilty of violating the country’s Prevention of Terrorism Act, a Colombo
High Court sentenced him to 20 years of hard labor.
Terrorism Investigation
Division officials arrested Tissainayagam, an English-language columnist for
the Sri Lankan Sunday Times and editor of the news Web site OutreachSL, on March 7, 2008, when he visited their offices to inquire about
the arrests of colleagues the previous day. He was held without charge until
his indictment in August 2008 in connection with articles published nearly
three years earlier in a now-defunct magazine, North Eastern Monthly. The sentencing judge, Deepali Wijesundara,
said articles Tissainayagam wrote for the Monthly in 2006 incited communal
disharmony, an offense under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. She also found
him guilty of raising funds to publish the magazine, itself a violation of the
anti-terror law.
The government had backed
off the anti-terror law in 2006 when, under a cease-fire then in effect between
the government and the LTTE, it pledged not to detain people under the statute.
But as the government ramped up its military efforts, it began enforcing
provisions of the law to rein in uncooperative media.
In November, CPJ
recognized Tissainayagam’s independent journalism, practiced under
extraordinarily difficult circumstances, by honoring him with an International
Press Freedom Award.

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